With Mexican Troops Regularly Crossing the Border and Bounties on Border Patrol Officers' Heads, It's Clear Who the Extremists Really Are
Infowars.com | March 21, 2005
We have juxtaposed a small sampling of the plethora of articles we have about Mexican Army activity in the US and mexican drug cartel aggression next to the below article about how Fox is saying that US extremists need to be watched.
The news about this ongoing mexican aggression continues to be ignored by the mainstream media, who are only too eager to publicize Fox's propaganda for open borders.
So, as the police state clamps down on America, the Bush administration and Fox will make sure the borders are left wide open for illegal immigrants and terrorists. The threat will be maintained for total control.
Anti-immigrant sentiment appears to be growing in the United States, Mexican President Vicente Fox said Wednesday, and he urged U.S. officials to act quickly to control movements such as the 950-member-strong Minuteman Project on the Mexico-Arizona border.
Fox said he plans to push for U.S. immigration reform during a meeting with President Bush in Texas next week. He also said the two leaders, along with Canadian Prime Minister Paul Martin, likely will announce a plan to expand the scope of the North American Free Trade Agreement.
Mexico's National Human Rights Commission recently issued a warning about several new grass-roots movements inspired by Arizona's Proposition 200. Other Mexican officials have cited the Minuteman Project, a plan by activists to patrol the border during April, as a sign of rising extremism.
"There are signs of these kinds of problems present today, and (they are) progressing," Fox said during a news conference for foreign reporters. "We have to act quickly and on time to prevent these kinds of actions."
He said Mexico is watching the Minuteman Project carefully and will take action in U.S. courts or international tribunals if any of the activists break the law.
Patrols start in April
"We totally reject the idea of these migrant-hunting groups," Fox said. "We will use the law, international law and even U.S. law to make sure that these types of groups, which are a minority . . . will not have any opportunity to progress."
Organizers of the Minuteman Project say they have signed up more than 950 volunteers, including 30 pilots with aircraft, to patrol the border for 30 days beginning April 1. The activists say they will notify the Border Patrol if they see border crossers and will not confront them directly.
Minuteman co-organizer Chris Simcox said participants are exercising their constitutional rights.
"Vicente Fox can rant and rave all he wants, but he obviously doesn't understand what a democracy means," Simcox said. "We have been working within the law."
'Walls don't work'
Fox also harshly criticized the construction of walls along the border, including a new "triple fence" planned for the San Diego area.
"We are convinced that walls don't work. They should be torn down," he said. "No country that is proud of itself should build walls. No one can isolate himself these days."
Fox said he understood Americans' concern about protecting their southern border. But he dismissed fears that terrorists have sneaked into the United States through Mexico. "We have absolutely no evidence of that," he said.
Fox will meet with Bush and Martin next Wednesday at Baylor University in Waco, Texas, and at Bush's ranch in nearby Crawford. It's an effort to get North American cooperation back on track after the Iraq and Afghanistan wars.
Plan on Social Security
Fox said he will push for action on a "guest worker" program in the United States. He said that the U.S. population is aging and will need Mexican labor in the future and that turning millions of undocumented Mexicans into legal, taxpaying workers could help keep the Social Security system afloat.
The three leaders likely will announce a plan aimed at further integrating their countries' economies to compete against other trade blocs, Fox said. He called it a "new vision" that will not change the existing treaty.
It will include new border-security measures, ways to share customs duties, and a continentwide energy policy, he said. Other sections will focus on education, technology and the financial sectors, he said.
NAFTA's critics say the 1994 trade pact has cost American manufacturing jobs while hurting Mexican farmers. But Fox said the average Mexican income has more than doubled, to $6,505 a year.
Fox said the boom of assembly plants along the border has actually helped stop illegal border crossing by providing jobs for people who would have gone to the United States.
"That's also part of security on the border, to have this cushion where people can find a job on the Mexican side," he said.
Mexican official confirms border crossings Says military or law enforcement came into U.S. 23 times in 2001
An official at the Embassy of Mexico in Washington, D.C., who asked that his name not be used, has confirmed to Human Events that Mexican military personnel or law enforcement officers crossed the U.S. border – without authorization – 23 times in 2001.
The official was confirming the claim of Rep. Tom Tancredo, R-Colo., chairman of the Congressional Immigration Reform Caucus, who said in a May 1 press release there had been 23 incursions by Mexican authorities.
Later, the Mexican official backed off his confirmation after his embassy was called by the U.S. State Department.
"This happened, I believe, 23 times in the last 16 months," the Mexican embassy press officer told Human Events the evening of May 8. "There have been no documented cases this year. We don't like the word 'incursions' because that is a military term for taking up a position. ... In some cases, it was civilian [law enforcement], and some cases it was military." In most of the 23 cases, he said, the Mexican authorities were pursuing "drug traffickers or smugglers." In the "vast majority" of cases, he said, the authorities did not realize they had entered the United States. In Mexico, he said, military personnel participate in combating drug trafficking. He refused to comment on those cases where Mexican police or military crossed the border on purpose. "I don't want to talk about particular cases," he said.
Asked if there were no conflicts between the Mexican and U.S. governments over any of the cases, he said, "I'm not saying that."
A spokesman for the U.S. State Department, who also did not want to be identified by name, told Human Events the afternoon of May 8, before this reporter first spoke to the Mexican Embassy official, that Tancredo's figure was wrong.
"We have checked, and that number does not square with our numbers," said the U.S. official. "Our number is closer to half-a-dozen."
After being asked, on May 9, to reconcile his claim of "half-a-dozen" incursions with Tancredo's and the Mexican Embassy's claim of 23, the State Department official said, "I checked around, and we are standing by our figure of about half-a-dozen. We also checked with the Mexican Embassy, and they said that they did not confirm to you the number of 23."
When called a second time, the same Mexican embassy official told a different story.
"I never gave any specific numbers," he said. "That number  sounds too high to me." But, he said, he did not have any actual figures himself. "I don't have any specific numbers," he said. He said that he had requested a figure from the central Mexican government but had not yet received a response.
Last month, Tancredo went on a fact-finding trip to Arizona's Coronado National Forest, which runs along the Mexican border for 60 miles and is increasingly frequented by drug and alien smugglers. Sources there told him about incursions into the region by Mexican military and police.
Back in Washington, the congressman brought the issue to the State Department and was told by a State Department official that the Mexicans had made 23 incursions in 2001.
Tancredo says the State Department official told him: "We are in high-level discussions with the Mexican government over this."
Tancredo says he asked the official if some of the Mexican incursions may have been to protect, rather than pursue, drug smugglers. "He said that they had concerns but did not have proof of that," said Tancredo. "No one saw [the Mexican authorities] chasing anyone."
Tancredo says the official also told him Mexican Army members were found in a drug-smuggling tunnel discovered under Nogales, Ariz., on Dec. 11.
Like the Mexican Embassy, the State Department refused to discuss particular cases.
The Mexican government wants to play down the incidents. According to an "unofficial translation" provided by the Mexican Embassy, Mexican Ambassador Juan José Bremer told Tancredo in a May 3 letter: "The excellent level of political dialogue that currently exists between the governments of Mexico and the United States has allowed [the parties], in each and every case of supposed unnoticed or accidental crossings of Mexican or U.S. personnel into the territory of the other country, to fully clarify the circumstances through the diplomatic channels, as well as through the open dialogue that exists between local authorities of both countries along our common border."
Dan Bauer, an official with the U.S. Forest Service who accompanied Tancredo on his Arizona trip, said that in addition to officially documented incursions, there have been others involving people "who appear to be Mexican military or paramilitary."
There are only five Forest Service law enforcement officers in the Coronado National Forest. They and other law enforcement officers sometimes face "armed men in Humvees who are part of drug-smuggling operations," said Bauer. "Last year, 90,000 pounds of marijuana were interdicted in Coronado. We deal with thousands of undocumented aliens coming through that area every year."
Americans camping or hiking in the forest, he said, face safety problems because of the criminal activity. "We make seizures in highly developed campground areas several times a week," he said. "Smugglers have worn trails in the forest that look like Forest Service trails."
Border Patrol encounters Mexican soldiers
Heavily armed foreign troopers on U.S. turf near Tecate
A U.S. Border Patrol officer has encountered four heavily armed Mexican army soldiers on the U.S. side of the border near San Diego.
The soldiers, armed with three submachine guns and one M-16 rifle, crossed the border near Tecate, Mexico, while on a counter-drug mission, Border Patrol spokesman James Jacques said. They were all dressed in camouflage fatigues, said officials.
A Border Patrol agent, who was not identified in the SanDeigoChannel.com report, said he was following footsteps left by the Mexican patrol. When he encountered them, one of the Mexican soldiers had his sidearm unholstered.
The agent then unholstered his sidearm and identified himself. He told superiors the Mexican troopers then realized they were inside the U.S. and cooperated with the Border Patrol agent, who took them to a nearby Border Patrol station.
Their identities were verified by the Mexican consulate and other U.S. officials before they were returned to Mexico via the San Ysidro Port of Entry. The report did not say whether their weapons were confiscated.
"This could easily have escalated into a real tragedy," Jacques told reporters. "Thankfully, cooler heads prevailed."
The Border Patrol's Washington, D.C., headquarters did not immediately return phone calls seeking comment.
The March 10 incident signals a growing trend of Mexican military forces crossing into the United States.
In March 2000, WorldNetDaily reported that a group of Mexican soldiers fired on Border Patrol officers.
On March 14, 2000, "two Mexican army Humvees carrying about 16 armed soldiers drove across the international boundary and into the United States near Santa Teresa, New Mexico," said a statement issued at the time by the National Border Patrol Council, a union representing about 8,300 "non-supervisory" Border Patrol personnel.
There the vehicles pursued a Border Patrol vehicle, which was "outfitted with decals and emergency lights (that were activated for much of the pursuit) over a mile into the United States," the union said.
The lead Mexican army vehicle, said the council, contained nine soldiers "armed with seven automatic assault rifles, one submachine gun and two .45 caliber pistols," and was eventually apprehended by other Border Patrol units.
The second Mexican army Humvee, however, "pursued a Border Patrol agent on horseback and fired a shot at him. The soldiers then disembarked their vehicle, fired upon one more Border Patrol agent and chased another agent before fleeing [back] to Mexico in their vehicle."
Then, in November, two border patrolmen who had just disembarked from a "clearly marked Border Patrol helicopter" immediately came under fire from a 10-man unit of what appeared to be soldiers with the Mexican army, according to L. Keith Weeks, vice president of the National Border Patrol Union Local 1613 in San Diego, Calif.
The second incident reportedly occurred Oct. 24 in Copper Canyon, about eight miles east of the Otay Mesa Port of Entry.
About eight shots were fired, Weeks said. "Once other Border Patrol agents neared the scene, the soldiers retreated to Mexico and drove off in a minivan," he added.
News of the incursion comes as President Bush earlier this week convinced the House leadership to attach an amnesty bill to a series of other non-controversial bills that usually don't require much debate. The measure was passed.
Critics of Bush's bill say the granting of amnesty to millions of illegals rewards illegal behavior, worsens domestic security and demoralizes the Border Patrol and other law enforcement agencies charged with enforcing immigration laws.
On Wednesday, Bush signed into law the "Family Sponsor Immigration Act of 2002," which, the White House said, "allows an alternative family member to sign the necessary affidavit of support for an alien in the event of the death of the relative who initially filed a petition for permanent resident status for the alien."
An official with a civilian border group says a squad of Mexican soldiers opened fire on a position only moments after it was vacated by group volunteers patrolling private property near Douglas, Ariz.
Jack Foote, national spokesman for property protection group Ranch Rescue, told NewsMax a reconnaissance squad of his volunteers spotted two armed Mexican soldiers wearing green combat fatigues and Kevlar helmets on U.S. soil adjacent to property the group was asked to protect.
Foote said his volunteers, part of a mission Ranch Rescue dubbed "Operation Thunderbird," deployed at the landowner's request to interdict smuggling of illegal aliens and drugs on the property, reported the shootings about 5:22 p.m. Saturday. There were no injuries, and Ranch Rescue members, who are patrolling the property armed, did not return fire.
The group spokesman said the leader of the reconnaissance unit reported movement about 200 meters north of the landowner's southern boundary, a location near the U.S.-Mexico border.
"He waited until the first two soldiers moved into the clear. One was carrying an AK-47 and the other an RPK," a light machine gun version of the AK. "Both were wearing [olive drab] green fatigues and Kevlar helmets," Foote said.
Foote said the recon point man yelled in Spanish for the two soldiers to stop, but they turned around instead. Recon volunteers reported seeing the entire unit run back into Mexico. It wasn't clear how many Mexican soldiers had crossed into the U.S.
For safety, the volunteer recon unit moved to a different position, Foote said. About a minute later "the Mexicans fired on our squad's previous position." Members heard about six to eight shots fired, said Foote.
Mexican Embassy officials in Washington did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Incidents of Mexican troops crossing the international boundary into the United States are nothing new, say Border Patrol agents.
Rep. Tom Tancredo, R-Colo., head of the House Immigration Reform Caucus, says 115 incursions by Mexican military and police have been documented by the U.S. government since 1996.
"The purpose of these incursions is not totally understood, but U.S. officials have speculated that they are designed to help facilitate the flow of illegal drugs into America, either by creating a diversion or by providing cover for the traffickers," Tancredo says, on his caucus Web site.
Ranch Rescue has had its share of problems during operations. The landowner host for Operation Thunderbird, Casey Nethercott, was arrested Nov. 25 by federal authorities for failing to appear for a court date in Texas.
Nethercott and fellow Ranch Rescue volunteer Hank Connor were arrested by Texas authorities in March during a group operation on the property of Joe Sutton, near Hebbronville in Jim Hogg County. They were charged with allegedly detaining and beating two illegal aliens from El Salvador, allegations the group vehemently denied.
Foote said Nethercott's attorney told him Nethercott did not have to appear at the Texas hearing. The attorney said he would appear instead, but got sick and also missed the date. Foote said Nethercott's attorney filed papers with the court seeking a change in court date and explained the circumstances for missing the initial hearing, but Jim Hogg County prosecutors "pushed the issue and got a warrant issued for Casey."
Now, Arizona authorities are holding Nethercott on a "fugitive" warrant, but Nethercott is fighting the extradition to Texas. He remains in jail, Foote said, and will likely be there until February, unless bail can be arranged.
Federal officials also filed charges against Nethercott and Connor in the Hebbronville case, but eventually those were dropped.
You'd think frequent gun battles along the U.S.-Mexico border between federal agents and citizen border-monitoring groups on this side, and drug and people smugglers on the other side, would make the national headlines.
If you thought that, you'd be mistaken. Just ask Chris Simcox, owner of the Tombstone (Ariz.) Tumbleweed newspaper, and head of one such border group. He's trying to get the word out; few are listening and, apparently, that includes anyone in Washington.
In an e-mail to select correspondents last month, Simcox said there was "another" shootout very similar to others that have occurred with increasingly frequency along remote areas of the Arizona border – areas known to be frequented by drug and alien smugglers and elements of Mexican "authorities" (which often has included federal troops and police) that escort them to the border.
"Details are basically the same; shots fired, assailants get away, drugs seized," he writes. "The [Mexican] soldiers we captured on tape have been seen laying down suppression fire during the drug dealers' dash back across the border – this is not hyperbole – our guys are being fired upon from the other side of the border and they will not return fire. …"
"A high-speed car chase ended with Bisbee police, Border Patrol agents and a detail of the United States Marines coming under automatic weapons fire near the U.S./Mexico border two miles west of Naco, Ariz., on Tuesday morning, Feb. 16," reported Simcox. "Federal Bureau of Investigation agent Susan Herskovits confirmed on Wednesday that the agency is involved in the investigation, because it involves an assault on federal law-enforcement agents and involves gunfire from across the international boundary with Mexico."
On Feb. 19, says Simcox, "we had yet another incident involving automatic gunfire directed at our [law-enforcement] agents." While he says he wasn't close enough to confirm, it appeared that, at a distance, the law-enforcement "vehicles were full of bullet holes."
While none of these most recent gun battles has produced any casualties, that's not to say U.S. citizens and federal agents tasked with guarding our borders haven't been hurt or killed in this escalating border war. In 2002, U.S. Park Service Ranger Kris Eggle (pronounced egg-lee) was killed in a drug-related shooting (the perp used an AK-47). Other agents have been wounded, and American citizens captured or threatened.
In my book, Illegals: The Imminent Threat Posed by Our Unsecured U.S.-Mexico Border," I document this longstanding problem that has been occurring with more frequency in the past few years. There is even photographic evidence that armed Mexican troops regularly patrol within feet of the U.S. border.
The book contains documentation from eyewitnesses who said they've seen Mexican military and paramilitary police assisting Mexican nationals with crossing illegally into the U.S. And witnesses have described how some Mexican army and federal police units actually provide armed cover for smugglers packing drugs into our country.
I describe how, back in 1985, an American father and his daughter were briefly held at gunpoint inside the United States and on their own property by a gun-toting squad of Mexican soldiers – who were eventually let go by U.S. government officials with their weapons.
A few other news agencies have reported some incidents of gunfire along the border, but almost always details are lacking, hard questions are never asked (or answered) and the incursions are usually dismissed as "accidental border crossings" by American and Mexican authorities. Consequently, the issue hasn't caught on nationally.
Because few in the national media want to discuss it. Even fewer politicians do. And almost no one in Washington wants to admit the fact that our already porous borders are spiraling further out of control – perhaps irretrievably so. Hispanic voters and cheaper labor is more important than the lives of American citizens and law-enforcement personnel.
Americans are facing another election cycle. Much of the banter thus far has centered around "traditional" issues – taxes, jobs, the economy, ad nauseum.
But perhaps for the first time since the Cold War, national security is also an issue, thanks to 9-11. That's where our borders problem fits in; it simply is not a good thing for security when porous borders are ignored. Still, the major candidates for office largely ignore this vital issue.
Anyone who assumes the Wild West faded into the sunset a hundred years ago hasn't spent much time along the border. Then again, that's probably a good thing; you might live longer.
Border Guard Bounty at $200,000 - Mexican soldiers attempt to collect a bounty from drug dealers for killing U.S. border guards U.S. Border Patrol union protesting -
The U.S. Border Patrol union is protesting a recent incident involving a border crossing by Mexican soldiers into New Mexico. The soldiers fired two shots in what the union says was an attempt to collect a bounty from drag dealers for killing U.S. border guards. The Los Angeles Times said the official U.S. government reaction was that the invasion was an accident, but Joseph Dassaro, vice president of the National Border Patrol Council, disagreed. "That was no accident," he said, noting that the Mexican soldiers proceeded at least a mile into U.S. territory firing at fleeing U.S. agents.
The Times said U.S. officials have confirmed reports of a bounty of $200,000 placed on U.S. law-enforcement officers by the Juarez cartel, one of Mexico's major drug-smuggling organizations. As many as 63 incursions by the Mexican army have been reported into U.S. territory, border sources tell Insight. Reportedly supporting cartel drag shipments as long as two miles this side of the border, the Mexican troops were driving Humvees and carrying AK-47 assault rifles allegedly seized by U.S. forces in Operation Desert Storm and provided to Mexico by the United States as surplus.
Mexico is quietly waging war on our southern border with the complicity of elements in our government who seek to meld the nations of this hemisphere into a regional superstate.
Robert Maupin and his daughter Denise share an unwanted distinction: They are probably the only American citizens to be detained and forcibly disarmed, at gunpoint, on U.S. soil, by Mexican soldiers. The incident, which took place in 1985, is not the only time the Mexican military illegally entered our country. Such incursions, like the one that took place near Ajo, Arizona, on May 17th of this year, are becoming increasingly common and breathtakingly brazen.
In the summer of 1985, Maupin recalled to The New American, “I mentioned to a friend who used to be a narcotics agent that I could smell ether on my property [near Tierra del Sol, California]. He pointed out that ether is used to make methamphetamine. The only neighbor we had was a small building about a half-mile south of the border, which was usually empty. However, sometimes a Mexican flag would be flying over it, there would be activity inside, and it would be guarded by guys in plain clothes carrying military weapons. I noticed that the ether smell would be really strong when the prevailing breeze came from that direction.”
Maupin’s friend told him that he was going to give the information “to our [drug enforcement] counterparts in Mexico.” “I’m pretty sure that’s where my problems began,” Maupin comments.
On the following Sunday, Robert and Denise went out for some afternoon target practice in a shooting range improvised from “an old dry dam right on the border.” While they were shooting, Maupin and his daughter saw what appeared to be “a bunch of kids wearing toy helmets” perilously close to their line of fire. When they went to investigate, Maupin and his daughter suddenly found themselves surrounded by “seven Mexican soldiers toting FN/FAL rifles” — fully automatic, .308 caliber rifles used by NATO troops.
The sergeant in charge of the squad “told me in fairly good English that they were ‘looking for illegal guns and drugs,’” Maupin recounted to The New American. “He also said specifically that they were looking for ‘Señor Maupin,’ which made it pretty clear to me that I had made somebody in the Mexican government angry by sticking my nose into their drug business.”
“I told the sergeant, ‘We’re in the U.S.A. The guns that I and my daughter are carrying are legal, but yours aren’t.’ But the sergeant told one of his guys to disarm us.” When the soldier reached to confiscate Denise’s holstered .357 Magnum, “she backhanded him and just about knocked him flat,” relates Maupin. “Several of the other soldiers started working the bolts on their rifles. We were outnumbered and outgunned, so I emptied my rifle, handed it to them, and told Denise to do the same with her gun.”
Telling the sergeant that he had the proper paperwork for his guns back at his home, Robert led the squad back to his ranch house. As they walked with him, Robert told Denise that he would stall the soldiers at the corral long enough for her to get to a telephone and call the Border Patrol. It was to the ambivalent good fortune of Maupin and his family that these particular Mexican soldiers weren’t particularly professional. “They didn’t notice Denise was gone until they heard the door closing,” Maupin notes. “But when they realized that she had gone into the house, they dropped the bipods on their rifles and aimed them at the house.”
By this time Denise had contacted the Border Patrol, which set up a roadblock and sent three agents to the Maupin ranch. Meanwhile, the Mexican soldiers had calmed down. Maupin got them some icewater to drink and amused his uninvited guests with his broken Spanish. Eventually Maupin casually remarked that he had called for “an official interpreter” to come help out. “The guy in charge got an ‘uh-oh’ expression on his face, and ordered one of his men to scribble out a receipt for our guns,” declared Maupin. “He got really agitated and yelled at his men to move out. When they got to our fence line they took off.” A short time later they were caught and disarmed by Border Patrol agents, who retrieved Robert and Denise’s firearms. After being informed that he “would have to be in court for 90-120 days straight” if he chose to pursue legal redress, Maupin decided to let the matter drop — even though he and his family had been detained by a foreign army invading our sovereign territory.
“When we grabbed those guys [involved in the border incursion], they were decked out in full combat gear, carrying fully automatic rifles, and they claimed that they had ‘gotten lost,’” former Border Patrol agent Bob Stille recalled to The New American. But Stille and his Border Patrol colleagues weren’t buying the story: “Even back then we had dealt with border incursions of this sort, which were usually connected in some way to drug smuggling.”
Since the mid-1980s, continues Stille, “Drug enforcement people have discovered tunnels running under the border in the area by Tierra del Sol, which have been used to smuggle multiple tons of cocaine and every other kind of narcotics into this country. And a few years ago the Mexican government started some kind of homestead program on their side of the border, where they’ve built a small city out of cardboard shacks. It’s basically a jumping-off point for smuggling illegal aliens and drugs into the U.S.”
Robert Maupin and his wife still live on their ranch in Tierra del Sol. “We’ve had a couple more skirmishes since then,” he commented to The New American. One episode in the mid-1990s involved an abortive effort by drug smugglers to cross the border in a Chevy Suburban loaded down with contraband. “They tried to do a ‘Dukes of Hazzard’-style stunt jump at a border crossing, and ended up high-centered on a rock,” recalls Maupin. “They ended up with the bumper in the U.S. and the rest of the Suburban in Mexico. The people got out and scurried back across the border, just abandoning a very nice, late-model vehicle — which, as it happened, had been stolen in Texas and re-registered in Baja, California. And when our [law enforcement] people got a close look at it, they found that it was just crammed full of illegal drugs.”
“We’ve been living here for over 50 years, and they haven’t driven us out yet,” continues Maupin. “Sometimes it doesn’t seem as if we live in the United States, but we’ve learned firsthand about a reality that most American citizens ignore. A lot of people in this country simply don’t understand that our nation is under assault from our supposed friend to the south. There’s an invasion going on, and it has potential consequences for all of us, not just those of us living down here on the border.”
Tancredo Takes Tough Stance
The May 17th Mexican military incursion near Ajo, Arizona, illustrated anew that the invasion Maupin refers to consists not only of an unremitting flood of illegal immigrants and drug smugglers, but also occasionally takes the form of a brazen armed border violation by elements of the Mexican military.
As described by Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) spokeswoman Lori Haley, a Border Patrol agent spotted three Mexican soldiers in a Humvee on the Tohono O’odham Indian Reservation, approximately five miles inside U.S. territory. In keeping with established policy, the agent did a quick U-turn, to avoid a confrontation in which he would be outnumbered and outgunned. Nonetheless, shots were fired at the Border Patrol vehicle, shattering the rear window and endangering the agent’s life.
According to Representative Tom Tancredo (R-Colo.), who was en route to a meeting in Mexico to discuss border-related issues at the time of the incident, U.S. officials said that the Mexican soldiers “had interdicted a huge shipment of drugs. Therefore everyone was antsy.” While the congressman is convinced that a drug shipment was involved in the incident, he disputes the claim that the Mexican soldiers had “interdicted” it.
“I have spent a lot of time talking with Border Patrol and counter-narcotics people about these incursions,” Rep. Tancredo told The New American. “What I have learned is that they are apparently staged, most of the time, to provide cover or a diversion when there’s a big, big shipment. They’re used to draw away our agents from a targeted border zone, which is pretty easy to do, since they’re already so badly over-stretched. And in some cases the soldiers are actually protecting the shipments themselves.”
While Tancredo specifies that he doesn’t believe that “these incursions and drug shipments represent the official policy of the Vicente Fox government,” he points out that “they are getting official help from elements of the Mexican government, obviously, since the Army is involved. We may be dealing with a rogue element of some kind. I just don’t know how far up it goes. The State Department assured me that they are discussing these incursions ‘at the highest levels,’ but they’re not displaying any particular urgency.”
Nor are such incursions rare, continues the congressman. “Since 2001, there have been 23 incursions — 19 by the Mexican Army, and four by the Federal Police. Since 1996, there have been at least 118 documented and confirmed incursions by armed Mexican military and law enforcement personnel,” he told The New American. “These figures don’t represent every reported incident, just those that have been officially tallied by our bureaucracy. The actual number of border violations by armed Mexican personnel may be three or four times higher.”
The May 17th incident in Arizona would likely be among the unconfirmed incidents had a Border Patrol captain not leaked the story to the congressman. Shortly after the incident took place, Tancredo received an e-mail from the captain informing him of what was, in effect, an attempted assassination of a fellow Border Patrol officer by Mexican soldiers. “Here we had a federal law enforcement officer, in a clearly marked federal vehicle, shot at by members of a foreign military who had invaded our nation — and we probably wouldn’t even know about it if the captain of his unit hadn’t e-mailed me,” comments Tancredo.
According to Tancredo, the Bush administration “should tell Mexico that we won’t allow any more uncontested violations of our border, which are acts of aggression — indeed, when they involve shots being fired on federal personnel, they could be considered acts of war. I don’t want these incidents to escalate into tragedies in which anybody, American or Mexican, gets shot or killed. But we have to make it plain to Mexico that we won’t put up with this any longer, and that the next Mexican Army Humvee they send across our border might return with some bullet holes in it.”
Unfortunately, Tancredo predicts, “We’re not going to see anything done about these outrages anytime soon, because Washington wants to maintain the fiction that Mexico is a good ‘partner’ in policing our border.”
Immigration vs. Migration
During a visit to Arizona’s Coronado National Forest near the border, Tancredo examined some of the damage wrought by the Mexican invasion. “The Forest Service supervisor has a staff of seven people to police a 60-mile stretch of border,” the congressman points out. “So it’s hardly a surprise that the forest is being torn apart. We have hundreds of thousands of people coming through that area every year, many of them transporting drugs. They’ve left behind mountains of garbage and human waste. And they often start small campfires at night that are left unattended when they leave — which helps explain why so far this year there have been more than 50,000 acres burned in the Coronado Forest, which is one of our nation’s oldest national forests.”
Since arriving in Congress, Tancredo has taken a high-profile position favoring drastic immigration reform. Predictably, he has had less than amicable relations with officials in the Fox regime in Mexico and in the Bush administration — both of which support the effective abolition of the U.S.-Mexican border.
“During a visit to Mexico, a group of us from Congress met with Juan Hernandez, who has a very interesting title: He heads the Ministry for ‘Mexicans living abroad,’ ” recalls Rep. Tancredo. “To put it bluntly, this guy’s job is to ensure that as many Mexicans are sent north to the United States as possible, by any means necessary. And in the course of our meeting, he kept using the term ‘migration’ to describe the movement of Mexicans across our border, whether legally or illegally. I pointed out to him that this was an improper use of the term. When referring to movement of people within borders, I reminded him, the proper term is ‘migration’; when that movement takes place across borders, it’s ‘emigration’ or ‘immigration.’ And when it happens in a way that violates our laws, it’s by definition illegal immigration.”
According to Tancredo, Señor Hernandez reacted by smiling and insisting: “Congressman, we’re not talking about two countries — it’s just one single region.”
Observes Tancredo: “This is the whole point of the issue — the question of the existence of borders, whether we have them or not. There are people in the [Bush] administration, and in Mexico, and in Congress, who believe that we should do away with borders entirely. Their ultimate goal is to create this hemispheric ‘free trade’ area consolidating all of North and South America into some kind of ‘United States of the Americas.’ Sometimes, as was the case with Mr. Hernandez, they’re very candid about the matter. But for the most part they’re simply creating facts on the ground, thereby merging the U.S. and Mexico in practice, if not in terms of actual legal status.”
“This is a legitimate political issue, and it should be discussed and debated openly,” he continues. “Americans — the public at large as much as some of our policymakers — are letting this take place without a frank discussion. We are undergoing a radical change in our national character and social structure, and it shouldn’t be allowed to happen without at very least the informed consent of the public. I’m among those who believe that it shouldn’t be allowed to happen, period — and I believe that this remains a majority view, which is probably why it’s being done by stealth and misdirection.”
In remarks made for public consumption in this country, Mexican President Vicente Fox, hailed by the Bush administration and many conservative Republicans as a pro-American reformer, has said little about abolishing the border. However, he was breathtakingly candid in a recent address before the “Club XXI” at the Hotel Eurobuilding in Madrid, Spain.
Speaking on May 16th, Fox proudly outlined his government’s involvement in what he called the “nueva agenda global” — “new global agenda,” or, in more familiar phraseology, new world order. He referred to the “harmonization of Mexican legislation with international norms” and Mexico’s more assertive role in “using its voice and its vote [in the United Nations] to promote … fundamental rights throughout the world.” One example of this activism cited by Fox was Mexico’s prominent role at the UN’s World Summit on Racism in Durban, South Africa — an orgy of America-bashing and anti-Semitism that climaxed with the demand that the West, led by the U.S., pay “reparations” for slavery (a proposal energetically supported by Gilberto Rincon Gallardo, Mexico’s delegate at Durban).
According to Fox, the nueva agenda global has already impacted the “large Mexican communities settled in [the United States], more than 20 million Mexicans.” (That figure includes American citizens of Mexican ancestry, as well as immigrants both legal and illegal.) “In the last few months we have managed to achieve an improvement in the situation of many Mexicans in [the United States], regardless of their migratory status, through schemes that have permitted them access to health and education systems, identity documents, as well as the full respect for their human rights,” asserted Fox.
What the Mexican leader describes here is his success in embedding a large, unassimilated population of illegal immigrants in our society — often with the help of various welfare benefits underwritten by U.S. taxpayers. But this is only the beginning, insisted Fox: “Eventually our long-range objective is to establish with the United States, but also with Canada, our other regional partner, an ensemble of connections and institutions similar to those created by the European Union, with the goal of attending to future themes [such as] the future prosperity of North America, and the movement of capital, goods, services, and persons.”
Unfortunately, Fox observed, there is a large impediment to this vision, “what I dare to call the Anglo-Saxon prejudice against the establishment of supra-national organizations.” So in addition to the supposed bigotry of Americans who insist that our immigration laws be obeyed, visionaries of Fox’s ilk have to contend with the irrational prejudice of Americans who value their national independence.
Fortunately for Fox, many American activists and policymakers display none of the prejudice he criticizes. Two radical attorneys in Yuma, Arizona, recently filed a $41.25 million wrongful death lawsuit against the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service on behalf of families of 11 illegal immigrants who died while attempting to cross the Arizona desert in May 2001. The impetus for the lawsuit came from a Tucson-based leftist group called “Humane Borders,” which has set up water stations in the desert for the benefit of illegal immigrants.
According to attorney Jim Clark, one of the litigators involved in the case, the federal government’s refusal to allow the group to set up a water station in the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge east of Yuma led to the death of the illegal aliens. Of course, this assertion ignores entirely the legal concept of “assumption of risk,” under which criminals are solely responsible for injuries they sustain in the course of committing illegal acts. But under the perverted concept of “social justice” that characterizes the nueva agenda global, this utterly spurious lawsuit has a decent chance of succeeding.
Indeed, the INS has already handed a victory to the illegal immigrant lobby. The AP reported on May 24th: “Illegal immigrants lost in the vast desert near Yuma this summer will be able to summon help by pressing a button on one of six 30-foot-tall rescue beacons.” Called “disco towers” by local immigration agents, the beacons “are covered in mirrors and topped with fist-sized flashing strobe lights that blink every 10 seconds and can be seen from as far away as four miles during the day and five miles at night. The towers have instructions in Spanish and English, as well as simple pictures showing illegal migrants [sic] how to push an alarm button if they’re in trouble. They’re located in places where agents have rescued illegal immigrants before.”
Isabel Garcia of a leftist, pro-illegal immigration group called “Coalición de Derechos Humanos” scornfully dismisses the rescue beacons as an inadequate measure. “We don’t believe that the measures to beef up and militarize the border will do anything to protect [illegal immigrants],” complained Garcia. “We will see more deaths and more suffering along the border this summer.”
While it is easy to sympathize with the plight of those illegal immigrants fleeing northward to escape Mexico’s poverty and all-encompassing corruption, it should be remembered that their plight is being shamelessly exploited by cynical people on both sides of our border wishing to see that border evaporate: Elements of the Mexican ruling class seeking to export that nation’s surplus poverty to the U.S.; drug smugglers using illegals as couriers for their contraband; and members of the internationalist Power Elite in Mexico and the U.S. entertaining a grand vision of amalgamating the U.S., Canada and Mexico into an analogue of the European Union.
The Mexican military incursions are skirmishes in a very real war on our southern border, a conflict that is but one front in a larger assault on our national independence. In that struggle, the actions of groups like Humane Borders and the Coalición de Derechos Humanos are more akin to treason than anything that the notorious “American Taliban” John Walker Lindh has been accused of doing: Lindh, after all, fled halfway around the world to take up arms on behalf of one side in an Afghan civil war. Those abetting Mexico’s invasion, on the other hand, are lending aid and comfort to a foreign power whose actions are having a measurable — and growing — destructive impact on our sovereignty, social order, and standard of living.