WASHINGTON, D.C. – In 2012, when I had press credentials to join the “traveling press” on then-GOP presidential candidate Mitt Romney’s campaign airplane, I had a chance to observe Democratic Party voter fraud up close.

In the book I wrote of my experiences in the 2012 presidential campaign entitled “What Went Wrong? The Inside Story of the GOP Debacle of 2012 … And How It Can Be Avoided Next Time,” I presented a case study showing the methodology Democratic Party operatives use to institute systematic voting fraud.

In a 6-3 decision on April 28, 2008, in the case Crawford v. Marion County Election Board, 553 U.S. 181 (2008) the Supreme Court upheld voter ID cases, provided the same requirements were imposed on all voters.  The case was widely interpreted as a major defeat for the Democratic Party and the efforts of the far-left to preserve voting registration methodologies facilitate putting ineligible voters on the rolls.

Yet Soros-funded Democrat operatives file legal challenges to voter ID laws in every state voter ID laws are passed.

Under President Obama, the Department of Justice joined Soros in opposing voter ID laws.

The case study involves the extraordinary steps the Obama administration Justice Dept. took to make sure Florida did not use voter ID laws to remove from the 2012 voter registration rolls in the state various people who had no legal right to vote, including non-citizens, felons and the deceased.

What is shocking is that by fighting to make sure Florida did not scrutinize some 118,000 voters the state of Florida considered suspect voters, the Obama administration Justice Department may have tipped the swing state of Florida into Obama’s column, virtually reassuring his reelection in 2012.

The important point to understand in this 2012 case study of Florida voting is that Democrats know “systematic voter fraud” will assure Democratic victories in close elections.

But to be successful, systematic voter fraud must be engineered into the mechanics of how elections are conducted, so as to reduce dramatically the possibility any voter will ever be investigated and prosecuted for voting fraudulently by voting multiple times in the same election, by allowing non-citizens and felons to vote, and by recruiting “stand-ins” to vote for the deceased not yet removed from voter registration lists.

This is why Democratic operatives fight so hard to make sure voter ID laws are not implemented, despite the Supreme Court decision ruling that voter ID laws are constitutional.

Having flown as traveling press on Romney’s campaign airplane for the last three weeks of the 2012 presidential campaign, I still believe today that the Florida case study of how Democrats scheme to make systematic voting fraud hard possible is a key reason Mitt Romney lost Florida, and very possibly the presidency.

Beginning in May 2012, Florida’s Republican Governor Rick Scott publicly challenged that as many as 180,000 registered voters may be Hispanic illegal immigrants who are not U.S. citizens.  The state of Florida sued the U.S. Department of Homeland Security to gain access to a to its Systematic Alien Verification for Entitlements Program, or SAVE, federal citizenship database, so the list of suspect voters could be authenticated.

The Florida Department of State and the Florida Department of Highway Safety had compiled the list by comparing voter registration information with driver’s license information.

In retaliation, George Soros-funded MoveOn.org ran a series of television ads in Florida opposing the effort to validate the citizenship of the registered voters in question.

“Republican Governor Rick Scott tried to kick 180,000 people off the voter rolls in his state and is now suing the Department of Justice after they stepped in to stop him,” said a fundraising email authored by MoveOn.org on June 27, 2012.

The Soros-funded media attack was designed to target Rick Scott as a racist, simply because Scott wanted to make voter fraud harder to get away with doing.

In 2012, Romney lost Florida by fewer than 75,000 votes, making consequential the possibility that 180,000 Hispanic voters were on the voting roles despite questions about their citizenship and eligibility to vote.

It is important to note the Soros hard-left playing to institutionalize systematic voter fraud understands the importance of fighting over the margins.

In Florida, 11.5 million voters registered to vote in the state’s 2012 presidential election, but Soros was determined to fight so 180,000 Hispanics did not have to show valid government-issued IDs in order to prove they were voting legally.

In May 30, 2012, the U.S. Department of Justice stepped in, ordering Florida’s election division to halt the systematic effort to purge the state’s voter rolls of noncitizens.

In a two-page letter, Christian Herren, the DOJ’s lead civil rights voting lawyer, sent to Florida election officials a two-page letter explaining Florida’s effort appears to violate the 1965 Voting Rights Act protection of minorities and the regulations of the 1993 National Voter Registration Act provisions governing voter purges.

In response, Florida Secretary of State Ken Detzner filed a lawsuit against DHS on June 11, 2012, in an attempt to gain access to the SAVE database.

“For nearly a year, the U.S. Department of Homeland Security for failing to meet its statutory obligation to provide us the information necessary to identify and remove ineligible voters from Florida’s voter roles,” Detzner said in a press release explaining the lawsuit.  “We can’t let the federal government delay our efforts to uphold the integrity of Florida elections any longer.”

“We filed a lawsuit to ensure the law is carried out and we are able to meet our obligation to keep the voter rolls accurate and current.”

On June 27, 2012, a U.S. District judge rejected the federal government’s attempt to obtain a restraining order to block Florida, ruling that federal laws prohibit the systematic removal of voters close to an election.

The controversy continued into September 2012, as voter advocacy groups seeking to pursue a legal challenge after Florida election officials pushed Florida officials to limit the number of voters challenged over citizenship from 180,000 to few hundred.

In the end, the Florida controversy left open many questions about Hispanic voter registration.

With the Obama’s decision to implement key provisions of the DREAM act by executive branch action, the question remained open, for instance, whether new privileges extended to the children of illegal immigrants would include voter registration, even if the child in question had not yet obtained U.S. citizenship.

Florida was not the only state where the Democrats fight against voter ID laws cost Romney dearly.  Wisconsin is another case.

At the conclusion of the 2012 presidential election, the co-chair of Romney’s Wisconsin campaign, Alberta Darling, a Wisconsin state senator, claimed Romney would have won Wisconsin had a voter ID law been in place.

Obama won Wisconsin with 52.8 percent of the vote, with a margin of victory over Romney of approximately 205,000 of over 3 million votes cast.  In the last days of the campaign, Romney traveled to Wisconsin for a rally, convinced by the campaign’s internal polls that the election had narrowed such that Romney had a chance of winning.

Had a voter ID law been enforced strictly in Wisconsin, Romney might have won that state too.

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