Amid a rise in militant Muslim fundamentalism, French facilities for vulnerable children appear to be deliberately targeted by Islamist recruiters, who see them as perfect candidates for radicalisation.
This concern comes after reports highlighting other numerous shortcomings of the child welfare services: children are abused, addicted to drugs, or involved in prostitution rings.
The government report on the Muslim Brotherhood’s entryism highlighted the interest that Islamic fundamentalists have in the education sector: young people, who are easily moulded, are indeed a prime target for recruitment. This is particularly true when it comes to vulnerable children and teenagers without a family structure, such as those who end up in public care facilities for minors.
In recent months, several cases of terrorist violence have involved minors. At the end of March, a rabbi was brutally attacked in Orléans by a 16-year-old boy who had run away from a youth centre. In November 2023, another 16-year-old in northern France was charged with glorifying terrorism and participating in a terrorist conspiracy after posting messages praising Islamic State and viewing jihadist propaganda.
A lawyer and a former investigating judge, Manon Sieraczek and Thierry Froment, who are familiar with these cases, are sounding the alarm in an article published by Le Figaro. The years leading up to adulthood are a sensitive time for children in difficulty: between the ages of 15 and 18, they gradually escape the control of educational structures such as youth protection services and child welfare. They then become easy prey for criminal and Islamist networks and are recruited into prostitution, trafficking, and the dissemination of terrorist propaganda—sometimes even to the point of committing acts of terrorism.
Emergency shelters where these teenagers are placed often become strategic recruitment sites, yet they lack the necessary staffing and professional awareness to recognize and respond to the potential risks for young people staying there for short periods. For the authors of the article, staying in these shelters poses a greater risk to children than remaining in their families, even if they are dysfunctional.
The shelters sometimes take in young people who do not speak French but only Arabic—this was the case, for example, for many minors arriving from Syria. The staff, insufficient in number and poorly trained, let anyone in, leaving the field open to recruiters of all kinds, such as preachers close to the Muslim Brotherhood hiding behind profiles as ‘educators.’ Overwhelmed and powerless, those in charge of these centres tend to turn a blind eye to deviations, such as the systematic provision of halal meals to ‘avoid tensions.’ In some centres, swimming lessons are banned for girls, while communal prayers are organised. Islamist organisations are also stepping in, for instance, Secours Islamique France, which has known ties to the Muslim Brotherhood and makes no secret of its priority-targeting of minors in its activities.
The lax attitude on the ground is matched by the negligence of the administration at higher levels. The few reports that are made (violations of secularism, signs of radicalisation among teenagers) are, in 70% of cases, dismissed without further action.
Through this passive attitude, the entire public assistance system is leaving the field open to the activism of determined Islamist ideologues. This is yet another area of action for the French state if it hopes to break free from the grip of political Islam. But for the time being, child welfare policies are being completely neglected.
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